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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate a vast expanse of Sudan.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his tenacity and his vow to overthrow the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his family relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the desert to neighboring countries.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, neglected by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, among them 36 children.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, requesting back-pay for his fighters, advancements, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jebel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and accepted a contract to guard the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in gold.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, raped women, and reportedly executed men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation began examining army businesses, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and violence broke out across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a political puppet master, controlling a vast network of interests.

And as Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.